—Now is there something wrong with this entire circus.
Carl Giese—Consistency, thou art a jewel.
Origin unknown
I SHALL ATTEMPT to present a theory of psychosis centered
around the topics of cognitive structure, emotion, role, cultural norms, and
communication, and to relate my theory to the cultural revolution through which
we ale now passing, with comparative references to past revolutions. The
contribution of the psychedelic drugs in understanding both "psychotic" and
"normal" behavior will be described according to this author's convictions,
which have much in common with those focused on "transcendental" experiences,
but also with those which have placed drug experiences and behavior in the
"model psychosis" context. The presentation is necessarily sketchy, because
psychosis involves many problems interlocked in such a way that they must be
solved simultaneously rather than piecemeal, in any reasonably adequate theory.
Many readers, however, have doubtless been thinking along similar lines and will
have little difficulty in filling in most of the gaps.
It is
assumed that the reader is familiar with the idea that the processes of
socialization result in the individual's perception of some objects and events
as they in fact are, and of some objects and events as they in fact are not.[2] No animal can survive without some validity in his perceptions,
but no animal has only valid perceptions; man is no exemption to either of these
assertions, but, unlike other animals, his culture (e.g., northern U.S.A.),
sub-culture (e.g., proper Presbyterian, midwestern large city), and immediate
groups-of-reference (e.g., his nuclear family, family of origin, clubs,
professional affiliations) determine to a considerable extent not only what
cognitions will occur, but also the degree of validity of a given class of
cognitions. As we move from basic cognitive processes such as figure-ground
formation and color perception to more complex organization of the cognitive
field and to perception of objects as members of a class and as thus possessing
certain properties attributed by the perceiver to members of that class,
cultural determinants usually play a greater and greater role, and differences
between groups become concomitantly greater. Within groups the situation is more
complex, as group norms tend to minimize some differences and to maximize
others, depending upon the specific group. The generalization can be made,
however, that within every group each individual is deceived into living in a
world which is only partly real, when, of all animals, he has the greatest
potentiality of living in the real world, and of modifying the real world
in ways which are to his advantage.
The thesis that the
individual perceives only part of the reality "available" to him is hardly an
original creation of the present author. It has been expressed throughout the
centuries in various forms, some much more adequate than the brief statement
above. For example, the ancient and recurring statements that people are
"asleep" or "blind," or that they are "actors" without realizing that they are
acting, are expressions of more or less the same thesis, as are numerous more
recent expositions by philosophers, ethnologists, psychologists, sociologists,
general semanticists, novelists, psychiatrists, etc. Alan Watts (1961) prefers
to say that the individual is "hypnotized" by the culture; Erich Fromm (1941)
has also used the analogy with hypnosis in describing the individual's empty
role-taking and alienation from parts of himself and from others.[3]
Alfred Korzybski (1948), Eric Hoffer (1951), and Ernest
Schachtel (1947) have written about similar processes, though with different
words and emphases.
In thus grouping together such a wide
variety of formulations I do not mean to deny important differences between
them, nor to argue that the general thesis is correct simply because many
learned people have held it, but to emphasize that it is continually
"rediscovered" and expressed in ways that sometimes obscure the underlying
similarities. It is probably our false pride and our status striving, as well as
the impossibility of reading everything, which often prevent our seeing and
acknowledging that others have been trying to express that which we believe
(sometimes correctly) we can formulate more clearly and succinctly. My own
preference for a formulation in terms of deception stems from the fact that in
child-rearing practices, as in adult interactions, many concrete examples of
intentional deception and of withholding of information which results in
unintentional deception can be cited and corrected by telling the individuals
concerned, in language they can understand, what one believes to be the truth.
Comparisons with hypnosis and sleep, while valid, are both harder to exemplify
and also less clear in terms of their implications; this is not to say that they
are less important theoretically, or that they are not needed in a more complete
account of socialization processes and remedies thereof.
IT IS LARGELY by means of language and definition of role that
groups cast a veil of illusions over the individual. Language, especially, is a
convenient vehicle for achieving some uniformity in illusions, as well as in
valid perceptions, from one individual to another, in an especially deceptive
and insidious manner (Schachtel, 1947; Adams, 1953). Definition of role is,
however, at least a close second. Roles not only prescribe the "moves" which an
individual is entitled to make in relationships with others; they penetrate the
interior of the individual and prescribe his perceptions, thoughts, and feelings
(Goffman, 1959; Sarbin, 1954). Role behavior is an expression of cognitive
structure and vice versa. If one examines any given processes of
communication which are prescribed by roles and limited by language, one may
become aware of something which is "not supposed" to be seen within the
culture—namely, that the processes under examination perpetuate the delusions
and illusions of the members of the culture. For example, the restrictions
on communication in judicial processes tend to prevent the participants,
including the defendant, from seeing that what is called "justice" is sometimes
a hypocritical and tragic farce. On the other hand, a lawyer or a judge may,
during the course of his career, gradually "wake up," and may continue to "play
the game," and/or work toward judicial and legal reforms (Bazelon, 1960;
Ploscowe, 1951).
Restrictions on communication very often
serve the function of preserving false beliefs, and this function is frequently
not recognized even by those who impose the restrictions. "The "excommunication"
of an individual, for example, whether from a religious community, a
professional group, or "society" in general, can permit false beliefs about the
individual to be perpetuated. When comments about an individual are made in his
absence, for example, he has no chance to correct whatever false beliefs are
expressed, or to contribute information which is lacking. These false beliefs
and incomplete information about excommunicated individuals play an extremely
important part in the social life of the community. This principle is partly
recognized by those who refuse to form their beliefs about an individual on the
basis of gossip and insist upon informing themselves firsthand, but the more
general conservative function of exclusion is rarely perceived (Lemert, 1962).
IT HAS BEEN RECOGNIZED for many years that psychotic episodes"
can be precipitated by insights into oneself. It was for this reason, in fact,
that Freudians tended to avoid taking "pre-psychotics" into treatment, whereas
Jung took the unpopular and "mystical" position that such episodes, preferably
confined to the interviewing room, are the most effective, though admittedly
hazardous, road to individuation.
The precipitation of
psychotic episodes by insights into the outside world has been less well
recognized, at least within the mental health professions. To acknowledge such a
possibility is to acknowledge that the culture permits, teaches, or trains the
individual to be blind or deluded; thus it locates pathology outside as well as
inside the individual (and in his relation to the outside) and in particular it
locates pathology in the most powerful institutions and authorities of the
culture. Whereas the location of pathology within the individual is in
accordance with the Western cultural tradition that the individual is
"ignorant," "bad," "sinful," "deprived," or "depraved," except for the saving
grace of outside forces, the location of pathology in the dominant institutions
of the culture is hardly in accordance with the tradition of any culture. On the
other hand, Western civilization, unlike some "primitive" societies, has
contained and nourished also a tradition of critical examination of the world as
well as of oneself, a tradition inevitably in conflict with institutions or
cultural patterns which blind the individual. This duality is particularly
obvious in northern U.S.A. culture, which from the days of the first Puritan
settlers contained a strong trend toward critical self-examination— with
surprising psychological sophistication—as well as strong conservative forces,
without which no culture can survive (Smith, 1954).
It is not
difficult to see how insights, whether into oneself or the outside world, can
precipitate "psychotic" episodes, and why from that point onward the individual
is likely to find it difficult to articulate with the culture. There are at
least two ways in which an "insight" can trigger a neurological "jam session":
(1) by arousing an intense emotion and thus altering the chemical composition of
the blood and consequently the functioning of the brain, and (2) by a sudden
collapse of boundaries between two or more cognitive structures previously kept
separated from each other, within that particular individual's total set of
cognitive structures. Cognitive structures are presumably related in some manner
to the structure of neurological processes (Kohler, 1938; Hebb, 1949; Miller,
Pribram, and Galanter, 1960). A sudden change in the former is therefore
presumably accompanied by a sudden change in the latter.
THESE TWO MECHANISMS are not mutually exclusive, and perhaps in
most episodes they work hand-in-hand. The most important insights are probably
those in which two or more cognitive systems, each available to consciousness,
are brought into relation. The defense mechanism which breaks down is
compartmentalization, which has been relatively neglected in the
literature, possibly because it is a defense par excellence of most
people called "experts," "scholars," "intellectuals," "technicians," or
"scientists." Theorists are usually very particular, for example, about what is
"relevant" to their "discipline" or "specialty," what they are or are not
supposed or required to know or to do in their roles, exactly how an idea should
be worded and the great superiority of one wording over another, etc. From the
fields of logic and mathematics many clear examples can be drawn of valid
isolation of cognitive systems and of apparently slight changes in wording which
do in fact produce enormous differences in implications or in efficiency, and
also some examples of invalid compartmentalization and of quibbling over symbols
which obscures the similarity of underlying conceptual structures.
The evidence for the breakdown of compartmentalization in psychotic
episodes is both phenomenological and behavioral. Phenomenologically, things
seem to "run together" in ways that may be alternately bewildering, amazing,
inspiring, amusing, bizarre, uncanny, terrifying, etc. Speech during such
episodes is what would be expected when decompartmentalization occurs. What the
individual says does not "make sense" in a conventional way; he does not stick
to the point and instead drags in matters which appear to observers to be
completely irrelevant. In other words, a massive dedifferentiation of cognitive
systems and linguistic habits occurs, which may be as bewildering to the
individual as to those with whom he may attempt to communicate.
For any given individual the massive cognitive dedifferentiations called
"psychotic episodes" result in more valid perceptions and beliefs in certain
respects—the individual has now seen through some of his delusions and
illusions, idiosyncratic and/or culturally taught, but they usually result in
new delusions and illusions and in even less accurate perceptions and beliefs in
some respects than before. Cognitive processes such as memory, attention span,
control over impulsivity, and especially judgment are often impaired for much
longer periods than the acute episodes themselves, and euphoric or dysphoric
emotions may continue, often appearing "inappropriate" to others and sometimes
to the person himself. The way in which the individual is classified according
to the official psychiatric nomenclature depends upon the stage and
circumstances during which he is examined, as well as who examines him, etc.
As each individual has lived in a somewhat different
phenomenal world and has belonged to a different set of groups-of-reference from
every other individual, and is subjected to a different environment and sequence
of external events during his episodes, the individual differences and
communication difficulties among those who have experienced psychotic episodes
tend to be much greater than among those who have not, especially as the
insights and ideas developed are often among those which cannot be expressed
within the vocabulary of the individual or, even worse, among those which the
language of the culture tends to militate against or rule out of existence or
awareness. The kindness which a long-term patient may show toward a new one in a
mental hospital is perhaps usually accompanied not by an understanding of that
individual but simply by the realization that his phenomenal world, whatever it
was has collapsed, as did the long-term patient's world at some time in the
past.
A GENERAL PRINCIPLE of social psychology is that members of
groups are usually less open in their communications to outsiders than to other
members of their own groups, i.e., tend to give less full and accurate
information, to voice their convictions or doubts less freely, etc.[4] The importance of this principle for the field of so-called
"mental illness" can hardly be overemphasized, because the labeling of an
individual as "mentally ill," "emotionally disturbed," "psychotic,"
"schizophrenic," "paranoid," etc., immediately moves the individual either
entirely outside the group, or at least toward the periphery. Whereas the
designated patient often needs fuller and more accurate information than before,
the information he receives is usually both less complete and less accurate. At
the time when he is suffering most from feelings of alienation, he is likely to
be treated in such a way as to increase his alienation, especially as he may
behave in a way that is especially unattractive or repellent to others. Any
demand for additional information is easily construed as "paranoid" by those who
see no reason for his lack of trust, and who are thus blind without realizing it
(Goffman, 1961). When people lie or withhold relevant information they usually,
if not always, do so imperfectly; in other words, they emit incongruent
messages. These incongruent messages often place the receiver into a "double
bind" (Bateson, et al., 1956). Lying and withholding of relevant
information are perhaps the major causes of "mental illness," as well as the
major ways in which such "illnesses" are perpetuated.
Jung
emphasized long ago that the road to individuation is narrow as a razor's edge,
fraught with peril, and that only a few fail to lose their way. As an
individual begins to see things as they are, in a way he has not done before—to
see clearly not only his own blind and seamy past but also the stupidity,
irrationality, cruelty, and blindness of his own culture and
groups-of-reference, he must have not only great tolerance for pain, including
feelings of alienation and uncanny emotions; unless he has advantages such as
knowledge, power, status (albeit this is a two-edged sword), devoted friends and
relatives, and financial independence, the burden is likely to be beyond the
endurance of any human being. The restriction of the "sacred" mushrooms to
high-caste individuals, found in some societies, makes considerable sense in
this respect.
The solution found in Zen Buddhism and
formulated clearly by Alan Watts of becoming a "joker," i.e., one who has
seen through the arbitrariness or absurdity of social "games" but is able
to "play" them anyway, is helpful but not sufficient, because, as Watts would
presumably agree, some social "games" must not be played but broken up,
if we are to avoid a complete Hell on Earth. For example, the "game" of "blame
the Jews," "played" in Nazi Germany and in many previous and subsequent times
and places, e.g., in Western Europe during the 14th century, when the Black
Death was blamed on the Jews, must be broken up, although to be a "joker" might
under some conditions be necessary as a device enabling one to operate
underground in a different way, i.e., decently.
Some patients
who refuse to leave mental hospitals are no longer interested in the "games"
which people on the outside insist upon "playing," among these "games" being
those of "blame it on the ex-patients," "be kind to ex-patients but be careful
about trusting them or telling them the truth," "one step forward, one step
back," "your private life is my business," "last things first, first things
last," "if you don't believe it, pretend you do anyway," "don't let your right
hand know what your left hand is doing," "be both prudish and pornographic," "be
both mechanistic and mystical," "sentence first, trial afterward," "be both a
coward and a gentleman," etc.[5] Some patients also have a partly justifiable punitive attitude
toward society—"since you say I'm crazy, you can pay my room and board,
indefinitely."
All the psychedelic or "mind-manifesting"
drugs attack the defense of compartmentalization and thus make it possible for
an individual to see through some of the absurdities, including status systems,
of his own behavior, and of his own culture and groups-of-reference.[6] This, I believe, is the most important basis for attempts to ban
or restrict the uses of these drugs, even more than the fact that, unlike
alcohol, they make possible great pleasure without subsequent punishment,
contrary to the long-standing "moral" dicta of Western civilization.. The
distinction, however, between "transcendental experiences" and "experimental
psychoses" is, in my opinion, extremely unfortunate, and has resulted in a
failure to recognize the great contribution that can be made by these drugs to
an understanding of what we have been calling "psychosis." Several years ago the
author heard Harold Abramson remark that every time someone takes a large
dose of LSD-25 he undergoes an experimental psychosis. At that time I
thought Dr. Abramson, who had worked extensively with this drug for several
years, old-fashioned, and privately congratulated myself on being more informed
and up-to-date, or even ahead-of-my-time. Now I am in complete agreement with
his statement, granted that the term "experimental psychosis" can give a very
misleading impression about drug experiences and that an "experimental
psychosis" and a "real psychosis" are usually very different in some very
important respects.[7]
The fact that an experience is extravagantly
satisfying, in terms of emotions, sensations, and fantasy, complete with
technicolor and sound-track, creatively and productively loaded with valid
insights, does not justify our not labeling it "psychotic," unless we are to
drop the word altogether. To avoid using the word "psychotic," reserving the
latter only for the frightened, suspicious, obviously deluded, depressed,
constricted, or empty experiences, is to overlook what mental health
experts—with the exception of Jung and a few other voices crying in the
wilderness—have traditionally minimized, i.e., the constructive aspects
of "psychosis." That "psychotic" experiences can be emotionally gratifying is
grudgingly recognized in many descriptions of patients, but seldom does one find
even a grudging recognition of the possible beneficial effects of these
emotional orgies. The views of religious mysticism which have been held by most
psychologists and psychiatrists make this one-sidedness particularly obvious.
There is virtually no recognition of the possible value of dysphoric
emotions. When it comes to cognition, there is again very little recognition
of the constructive or creative aspects of psychosis, despite the repeated
lesson from history that people who put forth truly new ideas—or old ideas which
are unpopular or unfashionable—have often if not usually been said to be
"insane," and that there has often been some truth in such accusations.[8] In fact, labeling the innovator as "insane" has been a standard
method of fighting genuinely new ideas, as opposed to old ideas whose deceptive
rewordings are eagerly accepted as the latest fashion. It was the irrationality
of this kind of opposition to new ideas which led William James to remark that
one of the least important objections that can be made to any theory is that the
man who invented it was insane. James's remark can be generalized: one of the
least important objections that can be made to any statement whatsoever is that
the man who made it is "psychotic" or "mentally ill" or "emotionally
disturbed." By "least important objection" we understand that we are
concerned with the validity of the statement and not with the question of
giving the individual power over others, setting him up as a model for others to
attempt to emulate, or encouraging the wholesale acceptance of everything he has
said, or will say in the future.
Hell is at least as
instructive as Heaven, and out of the Hell called "experimental psychosis" can
come changes in the individual which are just as valuable or even more so than
those arising from "transcendental experiences." The tendency to give the
patient or subject as gratifying and "wonderful" an experience as possible, to
protect him from later trouble, and to assert that those who have "bad
experiences" or later conflict have not taken the drug in a "proper" context or
with the "proper" preparation is a form of conservatism; the preceding word is
not intended, however, to assign this attitude to the lowest regions of Hell. It
is kind to help people to grow, change, or regress (in the service of the ego,
of course) gradually and relatively painlessly, but it should not be assumed
that gradual and painless change is always possible, or even necessarily
desirable. In a world as irrational as ours, to be fully human one must be
capable of taking great and sudden pain.
Although raptures
about "transcendental experiences" often focus primarily on the visual splendors
and lofty insights into the meaning of existence and the universe and the
increase in aesthetic sensitivity, the real source of enthusiasm is much more
likely to be the strong feelings and bodily sensations which are aroused, often
for the first time in many years or since the individual was very young. The ban
on emotional expression, especially in Anglo-Saxon cultures and especially among
men, makes the enthusiasm and wonder arising from drug-induced states readily
understandable, because without emotional expression the emotions themselves
wither away.[9] To attribute one's enthusiasm to feelings and sensations is less
congruent with these cultures than to praise the "higher level" processes. The
same has been true in religious mysticism, although it has been pointed out many
times that the bodily sensations in religious mysticism have become painfully
obvious on occasion, e.g., when saints have "gone wild" and shouted that they
desired the body of Jesus.[10] In revivalism, also, emotional gratification is apparently the
most important source of enthusiasm, although to the individual who has been
"saved" the cognitive "insights" are believed to be the primary source (Sargant,
1957). Some individuals who have been "saved" have frequently felt good for
months and have been able to live comfortably without searching for feeling
through "sin," only to "fall from grace" eventually. Similarly, following
gratifying emotional orgies during drug sessions, many subjects have been able
to live for a time in their usual routine manner without boredom, eventually to
crave another gratifying orgy, which may be conceptualized primarily as an
opportunity to rise to a "higher" level of existence or knowledge, etc. The same
can be said of many individuals who have experienced intense emotions during
"depth" psychotherapy. The search for "meaning" in life is usually in large part
a search for feeling; unless the individual becomes aware of the nature of his
search, he may spend his life in a never-ending pursuit of cognitive "insights"
or "understandings," like those scholars and scientists who keep searching for a
"discovery" when their greatest needs would be met by standing up openly for
what they already know or believe, thus exposing themselves to the danger and
excitement of external conflict.[11]
All paths to individuation, whether through "psychosis," drug
states, psychotherapy, Zen Buddhism, general semantics, philosophy, solitary
confinement, Catholicism, Calvinism, thinking and reading on one's own, etc.,
are effective only if the individual can accept the chaff with the wheat, only
if he can look squarely at the horrors of the world as well as its joys and
beauty, can tolerate a variety of emotions (and thus supply his body with a
variety of drugs), and can summon up the courage to act in accordance with his
moral principles as well as his more obvious needs, and thus have some
self-respect. In a society as hypocritical as ours is today, the most
socially unacceptable and dangerous acts are those which are most in accordance
with the private moral convictions of the individual. This is true not only
for "intellectuals" and "worldly" people, but for "peasants" and "small-minded"
people as well, because there are powerful individuals and groups on most sides
of most fences, and because there is widespread cynicism about "fighting City
Hall" and about standing up openly for one's private knowledge and convictions.
WESTERN CIVILIZATION has gone through a number of cycles or
spirals which can be described as (1) the setting up of rules or "games"; (2)
the development of hypocrisy, i.e., a discrepancy between the way things are—and
are privately known to be, especially by those having access to large amounts of
accurate information— and the way they are publicly acknowledged to be; and (3)
the reduction of some forms of hypocrisy and the setting up of "new" rules. All
three phases are present at any one time, with one or another phase dominant
with respect to a given set of rules. Hypocrisy develops when official rules
make satisfaction in living difficult or impossible—as, e.g., excessive official
restrictions on emotional expression, sexual conduct, open conflict, excessive
definition of role, etc.
In eliminating or reducing hypocrisy
a standardization or normalization of the population has in past
times occurred, and such normalizations have been extremely cruel and unjust, as
certain individuals and groups have served as totem animals, taking on the
projected collective guilt of the tribe, arising from hypocrisy, among other
sources.[12] The "new" rules have tended to be the old rules in disguised
form, or modified versions which have been even worse; some forms of hypocrisy
are retained and new forms are created. To a limited degree one must agree with
the prophets of doom (Spengler, Toynbee, Sorokin) that Western civilization has
been rolling downhill (Geyl, 1958). The normalization may occur under various
headings: in southern France (Languedoc) in the 13th and 14th centuries and in
many other areas during the same and succeeding centuries, under the heading of
eliminating "heresy"; in Calvin's Geneva during the 16th century, under the
heading of turning the citizens into sincere and honest "Christians"; throughout
Western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries, under the heading of
eliminating "witchcraft"; and in 20th century Russia and Germany, under the
heading of developing good "Communists" and "Nazis," respectively. Each of
these headings concealed certain normalizations which would have been impossible
or more difficult to carry out if seen clearly for what they were.
Secrecy has been of obvious advantage in normalizations. A
second weapon is a principle made explicit by the inquisitors, by Calvin, and by
the Communists and Nazis, which can-be stated as follows: a person who is off
the norm in one respect is likely to be off the norm in another respect. For
example, a person who dressed oddly was suspect as a heretic. One of the most
cruel of the inquisitors, Robert le Bugre, a reformed Patarin (Cathar), claimed
to be able to detect a heretic by the manner in which he moved.[13] Although ordinary citizens could help in rooting out heresy by
informing anonymously on anyone who seemed "off the norm," only an
ideologist (inquisitor) could determine whether the individual was actually a
heretic. Since statistical studies were even worse than they are today, the
"norms" themselves could be located conveniently in the fantasies of the
ideologists, and could also be decreed by them to a considerable extent, as they
gained power. Thus, the ideologists were able, in all these times and places, to
"normalize" the population along whatever lines they desired or thought
necessary Languedoc had a culture distinctly different from that of northern
Europe, and was in general more advanced. Under the heading of eliminating
"heresy" it was transformed in the direction of northern France—the southerners,
including devout Catholics, had to be "normalized."[14] The elimination of "witchcraft," from the latter part of the
15th to the early part of the 18th century, was, among other things, the virtual
liquidation of the remnants of a religion many centuries older than
Christianity.[15] Calvin, who had been called the "accusative case" by his more
aristocratic and perhaps more ruthless and dishonest schoolmates, transformed
the image of man a step downward from that of the Catholic theologians, from
"deprived" to "depraved," and liquidated or drove away the old aristocratic
families of Geneva, many of whom belonged to the political party known as
"Libertines." (It is worth noting that although Calvin never set foot in the New
World, he has been probably as important to the development of the U. S. A. as
any other man of modern times.[16]) The early Communist ideologists planned freedom in personal life
and the "withering away of the state," but as class warfare progressed it was
discovered that sex "immorality" was incompatible with being a good Communist,
and that the State was helpful in keeping the masses in their proper places
(Reich, 1962). During the Nazi revolution the Prussian military leaders, the old
aristocracy, had to become even more cold and cruel than they had been before
and to revise their standards of honor in the direction of those of a middle
class individual much more cynically contemptuous of average human beings than
they were.
During and immediately following a normalization,
no one is allowed to be himself, as no one fits the "ideal" which is officially
held and enforced; thus, alienation from parts of oneself is produced with
resulting fear and hatred which are then displaced toward those who are
discernibly "different," i.e., outsiders, who are made into scapegoats. The
great cruelty during normalization can be at least partly explained on the basis
of this kind of process.
The drastic ideological changes and
shifts of power which occur during normalization increase the frequency of
psychotic episodes and other disturbances. Mental illness is thus mixed in
with religious class, ideological, racial, and ethnic warfare. The thesis
that many of the "witches" were "mentally ill" is not incompatible with the
thesis that many were followers of the Old Religion, or that many were members
of the old landed gentry, who sometimes cling to old religions, especially out
in the provinces, or that many were poor and ignorant. When one considers the
widespread existence of practices such as forcing children to watch as their
grandmothers or mothers were burned alive (Lea, 1939)—this was done by German
Lutherans—it would seem strange if "mental illness" were not prevalent during
that period. These children probably saw, without being able to formulate their
perception clearly, that they were in the hands of destructive giant robots
unaware of their irrational cruelty. Many of the children being labeled
"schizophrenic" today may have had similar perceptions.
Both
hypocrisy and the reduction of hypocrisy tend to increase the incidence of
mental and emotional disturbances. During both phases behavior tends to be
formal, secretive, and robot-like; people feel alienated and distrustful.
Information "leaks out" or is deliberately provided, and the people who are
most likely to be precipitated into psychotic episodes (by sudden insights) are
those from whom certain facts have been carefully concealed, in other words,
women, especially old women. When normalization starts, many people are
"scared stiff" and thus are even more robot-like, suspicious, and cautious. The
"schizophrenic" perception of individuals as mechanical puppets is probably a
valid perception; the "schizophrenic" sees the robotization that Fromm (1941)
and others have described. This perception can also be attained by means of the
psychedelic drugs.
The greatly increased exposure to facts and
ideas, through mass communication media, travel in foreign countries, etc., can
greatly increase the frequency of psychotic episodes, according to the present
theory. It is interesting, for example, that an "uneducated" person in a small
town can purchase a paperback in a five-and-ten which can reveal to him that
some of the peculiar ideas which for years he has taken as a sign of his secret
insanity or depravity have been written about by Plato, Whitehead, Russell,
Freud Fromm, Carnap, etc.[17]
Hypocrisy is an unstable social condition, as everyone has to
operate in a fog, but the reduction of hypocrisy can in theory be brought about
by openly allowing people to be different and human, without a normalization. If
our country avoids a normalization, it will be the first accomplishment of this
kind in the history of Western civilization; nevertheless, there is reason for
hope. Normalization requires the consolidation of power, and it is much more
difficult to consolidate power in the U.S.A. than in any of the previous times
and places, for the following reasons: there are two major cultures (with many
influential sub-cultures), two major political parties, several large
communication media, many powerful individuals and groups, and there are many
checks and balances on an over-concentration of power within government.
Furthermore, women, who find it more difficult to be deliberately cruel than do
men, have much more power. Nevertheless, there is danger, as indicated by the
following signs of the times: the tendency for activities to go "underground,"
so that it is difficult to obtain information which one believes that he has a
right to know;[18] the ridicule of old women (most of whom have done the best they
could with what they have known); the emphasis on the public importance of one's
private life; the attacks on fraternal organizations; the attacks on the old
religion of Christianity; and the formation of new secret societies.[19]
There are those who wish to normalize this country under the
heading of having only "good Americans"; others wish to normalize under the
heading of eliminating or preventing "mental illness" (Szasz, 1961; Gross,
1962). An example of the first is an item which appeared in the New York
Times Western Edition on Nov. 1, 1962, headed "Ideological split fills
Amarillo with bitterness and suspicion." Among its other activities, the John
Birch Society had attempted to purge schools and libraries of "Communist"
reading matter. Several books, however, were removed for alleged "obscenities";
among these were four Pulitzer Prize novels and George Orwell's Nineteen
Eighty-Four, a satire on collectivist society. Thus, under the
self-deceptive heading of "eliminating Communism" comes a "clean-up," even
though the Russians are apparently much "cleaner" than Americans and have
objected to the "immoral" behavior of Americans visiting their country. All the
previous normalizations have included "clean-ups"—that is why Europe is so
clean. "Sex perversion," for example, was "cleaned up" in Germany by the
inquisitors and later by the Nazis; these "clean-ups" account for the current
absence of "sex perversion" in that country, just as the "clean-up" of
prostitution in San Francisco in the 1930's accounts for the current absence of
prostitution in that fair city. What has been virtually eliminated in
"clean-ups" has not been "unclean" acts, which have if anything increased as
exclusive pursuits, but love and friendship, which cowards envy and take
satisfaction in destroying, reducing everyone else to their own empty and lonely
condition. Any "lower" animal which could be taught to revile or be alienated
from parts of its own body and the bodies of other members of its own species
could easily be seen to be "mean and crazy." There are few data on this point;
an experiment by Birch (1956) is relevant. In this experiment, hoods were placed
around the necks of pregnant rats so that they were prevented from the usual
self-licking of the anogenital region which is increased during pregnancy. When
their young were born, these mother rats, with hoods removed, ate most of their
pups and failed to nourish the rest adequately; none survived. The most "mean
and crazy" humans, however, have not been female.
The
possibility that normalization could occur under the heading of "eliminating
mental illness" is illustrated by a remark made by a leading psychoanalyst, Dr.
Bernard Diamond, in addressing the Santa Clara County Mental Health
Association—"A person who is off the norm in one respect is likely to be off in
another respect." This is the principle referred to earlier, made explicit by
the inquisitors and later by Nazi and Communists. Dr. Diamond himself is a
relatively outspoken defender of the rights of individuals to live their private
lives in the manner they choose rather than the manner he would choose for them;
his statement, however, could easily be used in the service of tyranny by
experts or others more power-hungry. Szasz (1961) has made a brief comparison
between institutional psychiatrists and inquisitors, but even better analogies
can be drawn between some psychotherapists in clinics and in private practice,
and inquisitors. Members of the public, e.g., teachers and physicians, are
encouraged to watch for "subtle signs of mental illness" (signs of heresy, signs
of witchcraft) and to refer or report such individuals to the proper authorities
for help, and outpatient treatment is now offered on an involuntary, as well as
a voluntary, basis. Psychiatrists may be able to achieve much more power than
they have at present, but if they do not align themselves on the side of the
rights of individuals, they will become even more hated and feared than were the
inquisitors. This remark should not be construed as an endorsement of "rights"
such as walking down the street shouting insults or making scary faces, physical
assault, vandalism, urinating on a busy street in broad daylight, etc. If we are
to preserve our freedoms, however, involuntary confinement resulting from
such acts should be for a stated maximum length of time, not an indefinite
stretch the termination of which is to be decided by an ideologist.
DURING CULTURAL REVOLUTIONS the dominant ideologists provide
the rationalization for normalization. Psychology (broadly defined) is now, as
before, a focal point of ideological controversy. Modern psychodynamic theories
(and some learning theories and theories of interpersonal relations) share with
medieval theology (the psychology of that era) the following characteristics:
(1) complexity; (2) formulation in learned language unknown to the vast majority
of people; (3) the appearance of objectivity, at the same time allowing
sufficient concealed and self-deceptive subjectivity to be used in the service
of the ideologists; (4) the principle of reversal, so that someone or something
can be shown by the ideologist to be "in reality" just the opposite from what he
or it appears to be to the unlearned observer; and (5) an emphasis on sex and
other puzzling and troublesome aspects of human or extra-human relationships
such as status, power, or control. These are highly desirable characteristics
for an ideology which can be used to divide, conquer, and establish tyranny.
Concepts which would interfere with normalization and with those forms of
hypocrisy which are retained or created tend to become extinct or to be
considered inadequate, irrational, or old-fashioned. Among these concepts are
courage, honor, decency, integrity, loyalty, truth, friendship, honesty, love,
kindness, fun, and fair-play.[20] These concepts have been largely ignored in the psychology of
our time, as the reader can check for himself by examining the subject index of
Psychological Abstracts, which covers many "disciplines" in addition to
psychology and includes foreign as well as domestic references For example,
during the 36 years of its publication, the index lists nine references under
"courage," the latest being in 1948.[21]
Ideologies preserve certain attitudes and ideas within the
culture and eliminate others. Old ideas and attitudes are reworded and claimed
to be new discoveries by the ideologists, especially those who are ignorant of
history and of the sociology of knowledge. The dominant ideology of the U. S. A.
has been Calvinism, and some psychological theories and methodologies (as well
as some varieties of "common sense") are more-or-less disguised forms of
Calvinism (Fromm, 1941). Calvinism had several facets, including a mean and
crazy aspect exemplified by the beheading of a child in Calvin's Geneva for
striking one of his parents, thus upholding "parental authority." This mean and
crazy aspect of Calvinism was carried to the U.S.A. in many ways, e.g., in the
old Connecticut "blue laws" which gave fathers the legal right to kill
disobedient sons (Dollard & Miller, 1950). Calvin outlawed most types of
pleasure, even in the privacy of one's own home, and this aspect of Calvinism
was also imported (Smith, 1954).[22]
Individuals who oppose powerful social
institutions are sometimes labeled "insane." An instructive example is Thomas of
Apulia, who in the 14th century, when Western Europe resembled an old-fashioned
asylum, preached that what was needed was more love and less theology and Church
ritual, that the reign of the Holy Ghost had supplanted that of the Father and
Son, and that he was the envoy of the Holy Ghost sent to reform the world. The
learned theologians of the University of Paris burned his book, and he was
pronounced insane by medical alienists and committed to life imprisonment
probably as a means of discrediting his work (crowds had been listening to him)
more than as a "humane" alternative to the stake. Yet men like Thomas have been
relatively sane, whereas ''homo normalis," as Wilhelm Reich (1949) called
him, has often been mean and crazy, and this has been especially true of his
cynical leaders.
One method of reducing hypocrisy and at the
same time preventing normalization is to defend the right to be "crazy" in the
sense of (1) seeking and loving the truth;[23] (2) loving people instead of hating them;[24] (3) openly respecting the rights of others to be different from
oneself and one's own friends or colleagues; (4) living primarily in accordance
with values other than status, power, security, or material possessions; (5)
openly challenging powerful authorities and institutions; and (6) being a
socially unacceptable truth-teller instead of a socially acceptable liar.
2. The epistemological position of the author is similar to and perhaps identical with that taken by the founders of Gestalt psychology long ago and recently discovered by many others. See, for example, Koffka, 1935, and Kohler, 1938. (back)
3. A beautiful and moving literary expression of the idea that people are only half-awake is found in Thornton Wilder's play, Our Town. Al Hubbard one of the pioneer workers with LSD-25, expressed this idea very well by the informal remark, "Most people are walking in their sleep; turn them around, start them in the opposite direction, and they wouldn't even know the difference." (back)
4. This statement assumes that group membership is defined in other ways in other words, the statement is intended as an empirical assertion, not as a tautology. Important exceptions sometimes occur when anonymity is guaranteed, when the recipient of information is sworn to secrecy, etc. The free exchange of "confidential" information about designated "patients" between "experts" whose group membership is defined in terms of being "expert," accounts for the feeling of alienation which some "experts" have toward their "patients," to whom these "experts" never say anything which they believe would not be "good" for the "patient." Such "experts" are very similar to many other politicians. (back)
5. " 'No, no!' said the Queen. 'Sentence first—verdict afterwards.' " 'Stuff and nonsense!' said Alice loudly. 'The idea of having the sentence first' " 'Hold your tongue !' said the Queen, turning purple...." (quoted by Jourdain (1918, p. 964 from Alice's Adventures in Wonderland.) (back)
6. Unfortunately these drugs have sometimes resulted in new status systems which compete in absurdity with any others in existence, including those in psychoanalytic circles. (back)
7. It is especially important that the subject understand that the drug is responsible for his craziness or his loftiness and that his craziness or his loftiness will be only temporary. When drugs are given without the subject's knowledge, as, e.g., certain criminals have been reported to have done in India with a mixture of marijuana and datura, the "experimental psychosis" can become very real indeed. See Osmond and Hoffer (1958). (back)
8. Sir Isaac Newton is an example of someone who became "psychotic" after putting forth a new idea, experimentally demonstrable, and seeing how his learned colleagues in the Royal Academy reacted. He did not publish again for about 20 years, meanwhile writing "metaphysics" (which is kept locked up, a source of embarrassment to physicists). (back)
9. Smith (1954) tells of the history of what the early Puritans called the heresy of Antinomianism, of giving way to subjective conviction, emotion, and impulsivity. Southerners were considered generally tainted with this terrible heresy. It survives as a form of "mental illness" or a "sign" of mental illness especially according to northern experts. (back)
10. It has usually not been noted that such a desire may be very rational in a world in which men consider some parts of their bodies "dirty" and look upon virginity as the "highest" state of womanhood. (back)
11. Much of what is called "epistemology" and "methodology" is a complex and deceptive rationalization of cowardice. This has been particularly obvious in the field of philosophy, in which the convenient though double-edged idea developed very early that one cannot know or communicate anything —"Nothing is, or, if anything is, it cannot be known; or, if anything is and can be known, it cannot be communicated," (Gorgias, ca. 500 B.C.). The principle is also readily discernible in psychology, history, and the social sciences. One form of this principle was called the "good taste psychosis" by Harry Elmer Barnes, who added that the good taste psychosis among respectable historians was the greatest enemy of truth in his field. (back)
12. Among these have been especially the following: women, children, old people followers of old religions, the old aristocracy, people in the "provinces," uneducated people, especially of the "lower classes," Jews, Gypsies, and people who are "odd," who don't "fit in." Most of these totem animals cannot easily fight back; that explains their selection as totem animals. Remnants of the old aristocracy who have managed to retain some power are discredited on the basis of their "bad" sex lives, or allegations thereof. (back)
13. The English word "bugger," and similar vernacular expressions in French and Italian, stem from the word "Bugres," by which the Cathari were designated because of their Bulgarian origin. The full significance of this derivation is not known to the present author, but Robert's cruelty illustrates how dangerous it can be to reform someone. He was finally locked up himself. (back)
14. Current attempts to describe southern U. S. A. character structure in pathological terms can be partly understood in terms of the general phenomenon of acculturating conquered territory. This is not to say that these attempts are invalid, but that northern character structure is also pathological, though in a different way. The northern treatment of Negroes, for example, is at least as irrational as the southern treatment, though in a way which differs behaviorally and psychodynamically. There has never been a culture that has not created pathological character structures, i.e., all "national character structures" are pathological in some ways and to some extent. (back)
15. Christianity as actually practiced was by no means always clearly distinct from the Cult of the Horned God, just as in contemporary Latin America Christianity is not always distinct from the indigenous Indian religions. (back)
16. One of the author s grandiose delusions during his real psychosis was that he was a reincarnation of John Calvin, among other historical figures. My conviction that it would be salutary to lock everyone in solitary confinement at least once during his lifetime shows that this delusion, like most, has at least a grain of truth. I was also tortured by the delusion that I was an actual descendent of that mean hypocrite, John Knox, the founder of Scottish Presbyterianism. (back)
17. Many philosophers, e.g. Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, Wittgenstein, have gone "insane." It seems probable that they saw through the absurdities of their own cultures, i.e., they ate of the forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge (cf. May, 1961). (back)
18. Several writers, e.g., Hanson Baldwin, have recently written of the prevalence of the mentality that values secrecy even when it is clearly unnecessary. (back)
19. The secret patriotic societies of the 1840's and 1850's, members of which were called "Know Nothings" by outsiders, are interesting antecedents of such societies at the present time. (back)
20. A reputable psychologist has been unable to find a publisher for a manuscript on love behavior, containing empirical data of a non-obscene variety. One publisher informed him that the topic was not of sufficient interest. When a professor of psychology at one of our leading universities announced that a graduate student was planning a dissertation on the subject of friendship, another member of the department exclaimed in surprise, "Friendship!—What kind of damned topic is that?" The Association for Humanistic Psychology has been formed to attempt to encourage interest and research in these and related concepts. (back)
21. John F. Kennedy (1956) and Sir Compton Mackenzie (1962) have written interesting books on the subject of moral courage, but their works are not abstracted, as they are not members of our learned groups. (back)
22. For example, whereas the State of California has outlawed drunkenness only in public places, the City of San Jose has an ordinance against being drunk anywhere within the city limits, including one's own home. It is true that no attempt is made to enforce this ordinance, but neither is it repealed as absurd. The State statute is used discriminately: "respectable" citizens found drunk in public places are either left alone or escorted discreetly to their homes, whereas "lower" class people are often thrown into the "drunk" tank or taken involuntarily to a mental hospital, etc. This is an example though not one of the worst, of hypocrisy as defined earlier. (back)
23. Translated into what is sometimes considered "scientific" psychodynamic theory, this means that someone has repressed his desire to sleep with the null class. The idea that the concept of truth i5 dispensable is an old idea "discovered" by various scientists and philosophers of this century. La Barre (1954) gives one form of this idea, stating that truth in mathematics is relative to what is called "mathematics" within the culture. This is similar to the view of mathematics presented to psychologists by S. S. Stevens (1951), with a different formulation. It is correct for parts of mathematics but not for other parts, especially the oldest parts such as the theory of numbers (Myhill, 1952, 1960)
One of the most deflating papers ever written is that by Ness (1938). In this paper Ness demonstrated that people, selected more-or-less haphazardly off the street, expressed all the concepts of truth to be found among the writings of philosophers. One can imagine how this discovery endeared him to his learned colleagues.
On loving psychology, see Bugental (1962). (back)
24. Although I do not love everybody, I try not to hate anyone. Sometimes however, I apparently do not try hard enough; I would be delighted to read in the newspaper that certain "experts" had been eaten by crows, and that some of the oversized cowards in high public and private office had fallen overboard on one of their many voyages, been caught in nets, sliced up and boiled down for whale oil. In baboon societies the larger and stronger males remain on the outskirts, as the colony moves along the ground, and thus are the first to encounter danger. This demonstrates that large baboons tend to have more courage and noblesse oblige than many large men. There are nevertheless, some large men of the right type—these are the ones who are not afraid of someone who shows that he is not afraid of them. Mr. Crawford Greenwalt is an example of a man in a high position who could do a great deal more for this country than criticize the psychological testing industry (Gross, 1962). Like Gross, he fails to see, or at least to say, that this horrendous industry is carrying out the directives of more powerful agents and of impersonal social forces. (back)
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